Има ли апъртайд в Израел – статия на Джуди Ребик
Джуди Rebick е добре известен социален активист, борещ се за справедливост, педагог, писател и оратор.
“Бих искалa да споделя с вас една изключителна реч, която чух снощи – автор е Na’eem Jeena, който е един от водещите активисти и академици от Южна Африка, които днес са солидарни с палестинската кауза. Той ни каза, че в Южна Африка апартейд системата е имала три стълба, днес всички те присъстват и в Израел.
1. Различни права за различните раси. В случая на Израел има различни права за евреите и за не-евреите. Например законът от 1950 даващ право на връщане, казва, че само евреите могат да се завърнат в Израел и да получат гражданство, дори ако единствената им връзка с държава е библейски мит; от друга страна палестинците не могат да се върнат, дори ако техните родители или баби и дядовци са живеели там.
2. Разделяне на така наречените расови групи в различните географски райони. Дори и в границите на Израел 93 процента от земята е запазена под държавно съхранение(попечителство) или е под властта на Еврейския национален фонд, което значи, че е предназначена за изключително ползване от евреите.
20% от населението, което са палестинци, живеещи в Израел, трябва да споделят достъпа си до 7 процента от частните земи, които са останали. Израелският върховен съд е приел редица решения, благодарение на които палестинците не могат да живеят в еврейските земи. Не само има жилищни райони, които са забранени за палестинците, но има и отделни пътища за евреи и палестинци. Това никога не се е случвало в Южна Африка, дори в периоди на криза. Освен това палестинците имат по-малък достъп до вода, отколкото евреите, живеещи в съседство.
Допълнително движението на палестинците е строго ограничено, много повече отколкото са били дори чернокожите в Южна Африка. Известно е, че в Южна Африка е имало закон, задължаващ черният да покаже издадени от правителството паспорти за да премине от една точка в друга, но движението на палестинците е още по-ограничено, благодарение на построени стени и контролно-пропускателни пунктове, а ако те живеят в ивицата Газа изобщо не могат да излизат.
3. Матрица от закони, осигуряващи сигурност и опресия. В южна Африка е имало сериозни репресии, но никога не е имало танкове или самолети, бръмчещи във въздуха, както днес има в Западния бряг. Израелското военно насилие срещу палестинското население, според Jeena, е далеч по-лошо от всичко, преживяно от чернокожите в Южна Африка по времето на апартейда.
Ако Израел получава все повече критика от света, то не е поради засилващ се антисемитизъм, а е защото те практикуват форма на апартейд, която е по-нечувана дори от тази в Южна Африка. В края на поста може да прочетете коментари от някои от най-уважаваните лидери на анти-апартейд движението в Южна Африка. Не случайно движението за бойкот (BDS) е най-силно в Южна Африка. Хората там познават апартейда веднага щом го видят.
Конвенцията за апъртайд, приета от ООН, осъжда престъплението апартейд, което се отнася за поредица от нечовешки действия – включително убийства, изтезания, произволен арест, незаконно лишаване от свобода, експлоатацията, маргинализация и преследване – извършени за целите на създаване и поддържане на господството от една расова група над друга.
Аз съм от еврейски произход и работя в подкрепа на палестинските права в продължение на много години, но има и много други евреи, които смятат, че е наша специална отговорност да говорим срещу несправедливостите, извършени от Израел. През всички тези години рядко съм срещала антисемитизъм. Ако Израел губи легитимността си пред света, то е заради отношението на правителството към палестинците, а не заради антисемитизма. Този опит за спиране на критиките към Израел е най-ужасяващото насилие върху свободата на словото, което съм виждала. “
Here is an excerpt from a speech Nelson Mandela gave on International day of Solidarity with the Palestinians.
The temptation in our situation is to speak in muffled tones about an issue such as the right of the people of Palestine to a state of their own. We can easily be enticed to read reconciliation and fairness as meaning parity between justice and injustice. Having achieved our own freedom, we can fall into the trap of washing our hands of difficulties that others faces.
Yet we would be less than human if we did so.
It behooves all South Africans, themselves erstwhile beneficiaries of generous international support, to stand up and be counted among those contributing actively to the cause of freedom and justice.
Even during the days of negotiations, our own experience taught us that the pursuit of human fraternity and equality — irrespective of race or religion – should stand at the centre of our peaceful endeavours. The choice is not between freedom and justice, on the one hand, and their opposite, on the other. Peace and prosperity; tranquility and security are only possible if these are enjoyed by all without discrimination.
It is in this spirit that I have come to join you today to add our own voice to the universal call for Palestinian self-determination and statehood.
Here is an excerpt from an article describing the reactions of Veteran African Congress members after visiting the Palestinian Occupied Territories.
Veterans of the anti-apartheid struggle said last night that the restrictions endured by Palestinians in the Israeli-occupied territories was in some respects worse than that imposed on the black majority under white rule in South Africa.
Members of a 23-strong human-rights team of prominent South Africans cited the impact of the Israeli military’s separation barrier, checkpoints, the permit system for Palestinian travel, and the extent to which Palestinians are barred from using roads in the West Bank.
After a five-day visit to Israel and the Occupied Territories, some delegates expressed shock and dismay at conditions in the Israeli-controlled heart of Hebron. Uniquely among West Bank cities, 800 settlers now live there and segregation has seen the closure of nearly 3,000 Palestinian businesses and housing units. Palestinian cars (and in some sections pedestrians) are prohibited from using the once busy streets.
“Even with the system of permits, even with the limits of movement to South Africa, we never had as much restriction on movement as I see for the people here,” said an ANC parliamentarian, Nozizwe Madlala-Routledge of the West Bank. “There are areas in which people would live their whole lifetime without visiting because it’s impossible.”
“I’ve been very deeply distressed in my visit to the Holy Land; it reminded me so much of what happened to us black people in South Africa. I have seen the humiliation of the Palestinians at checkpoints and roadblocks, suffering like us when young white police officers prevented us from moving about.”
– Archbishop Desmond Tutu10
“When I hear, ‘that used to be my home’, it is painfully similar to the treatment in South Africa when coloureds had no rights.”
– Archbishop Desmond Tutu11
“… the fundamental cause of the conflict — lest anyone remains unclear. It stems from the Zionist world view — its belief in a perpetual anti-Semitism that requires that Jewish people around the world — a faith group — should have a national home of their own. The biblical narrative was evoked to proclaim Palestine as the promised land reserved exclusively for God’s ‘chosen people’ and their civilizing mission. It sounds all too familiar as a vision the Voortrekkers had in this country. It gives rise to racism, apartheid and a total onslaught on those who stand in your way, whether blacks or Arabs or red Indians. Many Jews do not agree with this Zionist world view, and declare that being anti-Zionism and critical of Israel does not equate with anti-semitism.”
– Speech given to the South African Parliament by Government Minister Ronnie Kasrils12
“… Israel came to resemble more and more apartheid South Africa at its zenith – even surpassing its brutality, house demolitions, removal of communities, targeted assassinations, massacres, imprisonment and torture of its opponents, collective punishment and the aggression against neighbouring states.”
– Former South African Intelligence Minister Ronnie Kasrils from a speech at Israel Apartheid Week 2009.13
“But what is interesting is that every black South African that I’ve spoken to who has visited the Palestinian territory has been horrified and has said without hesitation that the system that applies in Palestine is worse.”
– Professor John Dugard, Former U.N. Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Occupied Palestine.14
“Apartheid Israel can be defeated, just as apartheid in South Africa was defeated.”
– Winnie Mandela15
“”When I come here and see the situation [in the Palestinian territories], I find that what is happening here is ten times worse than what I had experienced in South Africa. This is Apartheid.”
– Arun Ghandi16
“The horrendous dehumanisation of Black South Africans during the erstwhile Apartheid years is a Sunday picnic, compared with what I saw and what I know is happening to the Palestinian people.”
– Willie Madisha, former head of the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU)17
“As someone who lived in apartheid South Africa and who has visited Palestine I say with confidence that Israel is an apartheid state. In fact, I believe that some of Israel’s actions make the actions of South Africa’s apartheid regime appear pale by comparison.”
– Willie Madisha, in a letter supporting CUPE Ontario’s resolution.18
“I say with confidence that Israel is an Apartheid state. The trade union movement must move beyond resolutions, otherwise history will look back on us and spit on our graves.”
– Willie Madisha, at a trade union conference held in London, England.19
“Indeed, for those of us who lived under South African Apartheid and fought for liberation from it and everything that it represented, Palestine reflects in many ways the unfinished business of our own struggle.”
– Farid Esack, Writer, Visiting Professor at Harvard and Anti-apartheid Spokesperson.20
“They support Zionism, a version of global racist domination and apartheid based on the doctrine that Jews are superior to Arabs and therefore have a right to oppress them and occupy their country.”
– Current COSATU President, Sidumo Dlamini.21
In an interview in Israel the former American president Jimmy Carter stated the following on the Apartheid comparison:
When Israel does occupy this territory deep within the West Bank, and connects the 200-or-so settlements with each other, with a road, and then prohibits the Palestinians from using that road, or in many cases even crossing the road, this perpetrates even worse instances of apartness, or apartheid, than we witnessed even in South Africa.
Michael Ben-Yair was Israel’s attorney general from 1993‑96. He wrote that after Israel won the Six Day War in June 1967:
We enthusiastically chose to become a colonial society, ignoring international treaties, expropriating lands, transferring settlers from Israel to the occupied territories, engaging in theft and finding justification for all these activities. Passionately desiring to keep the occupied territories, we developed two judicial systems: one — progressive, liberal — in Israel; and the other — cruel, injurious — in the occupied territories. In effect, we established an apartheid regime in the occupied territories immediately following their capture.
That oppressive regime exists to this day.
Avraham Burg was speaker of Israel’s Knesset in 1999‑2003 and is a former chairman of the Jewish Agency for Israel. In 2003, Burg wrote in an article:
Israel must shed its illusions and choose between racist oppression and democracy.
The Zionist revolution has always rested on two pillars: a just path and an ethical leadership. Neither of these is operative any longer. The Israeli nation today rests on a scaffolding of corruption, and on foundations of oppression and injustice. As such, the end of the Zionist enterprise is already on our doorstep. There is a real chance that ours will be the last Zionist generation. There may yet be a Jewish state here, but it will be a different sort, strange and ugly.
Here are the words of another veteran Israeli politician, Yossi Sarid, on the comparison of Israel’s policies toward the Palestinians and Apartheid. Sarid served as a member of the Knesset for the Alignment, Ratz and Meretz between 1974 and 2006. A former Minister of Education and Minister of the Environment, he led Meretz between 1996 and 2003.
The white Afrikaners, too, had reasons for their segregation policy; they, too, felt threatened — a great evil was at their door, and they were frightened, out to defend themselves. Unfortunately, however, all good reasons for apartheid are bad reasons; apartheid always has a reason, and it never has a justification. And what acts like apartheid, is run like apartheid and harasses like apartheid, is not a duck – it is apartheid. Nor does it even solve the problem of fear: Today, everyone knows that all apartheid will inevitably reach its sorry end. One essential difference remains between South Africa and Israel: There a small minority dominated a large majority, and here we have almost a tie. But the tiebreaker is already darkening on the horizon. Then the Zionist project will come to an end if we don’t choose to leave the slave house before being visited by a fatal demographic plague. It is entirely clear why the word apartheid terrifies us so. What should frighten us, however, is not the description of reality, but reality itself. Even Ehud Olmert has understood at last that continuing the present situation is the end of the Jewish democratic state, as he recently said.
Shulamit Aloni, has also been scathing in her criticism of Israel’s policies toward the Palestinians.29 Aloni, is the Israeli Prize laureate who once served as Minister of Education under Yitzhak Rabin. She wrote,
“Jewish self‑righteousness is taken for granted among ourselves to such an extent that we fail to see what’s right in front of our eyes. It’s simply inconceivable that the ultimate victims, the Jews, can carry out evil deeds. Nevertheless, the state of Israel practises its own, quite violent, form of Apartheid with the native Palestinian population.”
Aloni also defended former U.S. President Jimmy Carter:
The US Jewish Establishment’s onslaught on former President Jimmy Carter is based on him daring to tell the truth which is known to all: through its army, the government of Israel practises a brutal form of Apartheid in the territory it occupies. Its army has turned every Palestinian village and town into a fenced‑in, or blocked‑in, detention camp. All this is done in order to keep an eye on the population’s movements and to make its life difficult. Israel even imposes a total curfew whenever the settlers, who have illegally usurped the Palestinians’ land, celebrate their holidays or conduct their parades.
Uri Davis, author of Israel: An Apartheid State (London: Zed Books, 1987) and many other studies34 on Israel and Zionism, was elected in August 2009 to serve on the Fatah Revolutionary Council.35 He wrote:
Following the establishment of the state of Israel, however, and the introduction of the legislation detailed below into the body of Israeli law, the legal situation governing the activities of the World Zionist Organization, the Jewish Agency, the Jewish National Fund, the Histadrut, the Workers’ Company, and their various subsidiaries radically altered. Their respective restrictive constitutions, which were legally binding on what were, until 1948, technically voluntary organisations, are now incorporated into the legal foundations and the body of law of the state of Israel, thereby establishing a situation of radical legal apartheid of Jew versus non-Jew.
Davis further added the following quote from Israel’s Defense minister Moshe Dyan.
We came here to a country that was populated by Arabs, and we are building here a Hebrew, Jewish state. In a considerable portion of localities we purchased the land from the Arabs. Instead of the Arab villages Jewish villages were established. You even do not know the name of the villages and I do not blame you, because these geography books no longer exist. Not only the books, but also the villages no longer exist. Nahalal was established in the place of Mahalul, Gevat in the place of Jibta, Sarid in the place of Hanifas and Kefar Yehoshu’a in the place of Tel Shaham. There is not a single settlement that was not established in the place of a former Arab village (Dayan, 19 March 1969; as quoted in Haaretz, 4 April 1969).
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